If you want to have a dissection whether the new Deportation policy of 10 billion GBP is an underestimation for the UK reform, the following analysis will disappoint.
Likewise, if you are here to hear chapters and verses about the unknown difficulties in striking international migrant return agreements – which come the heart of Nigel Farage's recent plan – or a piece that seemed to be handed over to how he seemed to hand over a colleague.
Like the prestige of a magician when they concentrate on the political details of The small boat plan on Tuesday on Tuesday – In a huge hangar out of Oxford, which was hit according to its size and echo – risk misunderstanding the real trick and reforming the goal of the reform for this day.
policy
Because Farage has long enough in British politics that we should recognize in advance how he pulls the wool over the eyes of his opponents, and therefore he seems to do it so regularly.
The intention was not to present suggestions that will transform into political reality in 2029.
It was also not a question of converting the voters into a large number in the reform – if they have already warmed up on Farage, they like it a little more afterwards, in their opinion a press conference that is currently talking.
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Farage's deportation plan: analyzed
If you loathe it, you will probably feel it more and to compare comparisons with Enoch Powell. I suspect it will be undesirable by both.
Instead, his announcement dealt with two things: to confiscate the agenda (to ensure further reporting on a problem that no longer corresponds to the failure of the two largest parties in British politics); And then to put both other parties on site.
Success or failure for Farage, in other words, will occur in the way in the coming days in the way the labor and Tory parties react. Look what he did with the Tories.
The real political meat of his speech comes in the Farage promise to tear down the settlement after the Second World War for refugees who were created with fresh memories of persecuted hordes that flee from the Nazis.
Together with an exit of European convente on human rights, the Chairman of the Great Britain reform would be members of Britain in the 1951 Refugee Convention on the UN Convention against Torture and the Council of Europe.
Read more: Is it time for another approach to prevent human smugglers?
The break of the British membership of these contracts and conventions could even turn out to be temporary, he said.
“We believe that there is hope that the United Nations' refugee convention of 1951 can be revised and redefined for the modern world,” he said.
But measures, he argues, is now needed because the 1951 UN Refugee Convention in 1951 obliges the signatories to pay everyone with a “justified fear” of the persecution.
According to critics, this is the “founding chart” of today's people who smuggled themselves and enables human dealers the right to offer a legal guarantee that they are covered if their customers are ashore – and this works for the Sudanese and 87% for Eritreans in 98% of cases. A big moment for a big party.
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Farage was interviewed for deportation plans
However, this is almost – but not quite – the conservative position. On June 6 of this year, Kemi Badenoch gave a speech that she moved out of the European Convention on Human Rights and commissioned a review listed by Lord Wolfson to check whether and how the ECHR retreat from the refugee convention and the European congress against human trafficking could help.
So she added: “I will not oblige my party to leave the ECHR or other contracts without doing a clear plan, and without a full understanding of all consequences.
“We saw that keeping a referendum without a plan to do the Brexit led to years of arguments and endless arguments until we sorted it in 2019. We cannot go through this again.
“I want us to understand and discuss what the unintentional consequences of this decision could be, and to understand what problems remain unsolved, even if we go.
“It is very important for our country that we do it right. We have to look before we jump.”
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In other words, reform UK stole a march about a likely decision by Tory at the conference.
Farage ate Badenoch's homework. And she accused him of being a imitator of a guideline that she had not completely adopted.
Then there is work. They accept the ends of Farage's argument, but not, it seems, the means.
Interior Minister Yvette Cooper checks parts of the European convention on human rights – Article 3 (forbids torture, inhumanity or humiliating or punishing or punishment) and Article 8 (which protects the right to family life).
However, this has not yet arisen and will not recommend the British withdrawal from the convent in its maximum result.
And will Labor strategists really want the ghost of the ministers to argue repeatedly for the ECHR membership in interviews, as this is probably the position of two of their greatest opponents? Another puzzle for workers who has Farage as an author.
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From Saturday: police fight with demonstrators
Then there is the question of language for both work and the Tories. Do you dare to go to the UK reform and a tone too aggressive than anything that has been seen in recent years – one that speaks of “invasions” and “fight against old people” and sends people back to “Where will come from”?
Will both political parties keep this line that this language goes too far from your point of view?
The speech on Tuesday was less about the voters, more about the Westminster policy when we enter the political season. Everything at a one -hour press conference that Farage gave a platform. Can the other party leaders look like they are ignoring him and reset the microphone? Or can you not help yourself and answer in benefits in kind?
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